The Bohemianby Bill Bowler |
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| Chapter 10: Mrak’s Career |
As a noted economist, historian, and native of Bohemia, Professor Mrak had published numerous books on the Soviet threat to Central Europe. His articles appeared on the Times Op-Ed page, in Foreign Affairs, even the left-leaning New Republic. He was an associate of the Public Freedom Research Foundation, a prestigious and influential conservative think-tank. His picture appeared on the cover of the Sunday Times magazine section, with his most recent book, Force and Peace, excerpted as a long article.
In this excerpt, Professor Mrak argued America’s historic mission and moral obligation to defend the Western Hemisphere from Communist domination, a brilliant extension of the Monroe Doctrine, upon which his earlier theories were based. His ideas grew from his personal experiences during World War II, and his first-hand knowledge of Communist methods of subjugation and domination. His arguments included detailed analyses of the situations in Czechoslovakia and Poland, with reference to our national “failure of will” in Vietnam, which did not “permit” us to win.
He made a vivid example out of Castro, illustrating Moscow’s use of puppets to spread discontent and propaganda and to foment revolution among our neighbors to the South. He depicted America’s mission, to preserve democracy and freedom in Latin America, our primary sphere of influence. He outlined a program of free elections, democratic government and American economic and military assistance that was lucid in its reasoning and inarguable in the logic of its conclusions.
One of his most important points, indeed, his central thesis, was his discussion of the use of force to preserve peace. This thesis, controversial in the post-Vietnam years, came to the attention of high officials in the Defense Department.
Mrak’s idea was that force, applied “with surgical precision,” was the only means of preserving peace, given the realities of the world situation. He made analogies with the police control of crime in cities, with parental discipline, and drew examples of force preserving peace from episodes in history, as in the suppression of rebellion in the Philippines. The idea, stated simply, was that “lesser force” must be applied to preserve “greater peace.”
Mrak’s article was brought to the attention of the President, who read the first part of a summary of its main points with great interest. Mrak’s views were quoted by White House officials and the Press Secretary, questioned by a reporter at a news conference, referred to Mrak’s most recent book. Mrak was summoned to Washington.
The current National Security Advisor, an attorney and life-long friend of the President’s, was having public relations difficulties. He had become embroiled in a messy scandal which, if not urgently contained, threatened to splash dirt on the Presidency itself. Innuendoes and even accusations were being raised, principally among Congressional Democrats eager to besmirch the President at any cost, that the National Security Advisor held a secret interest in a major defense contractor that had just received a billion-dollar no-bid contract from the Pentagon.
It was suggested, further, that the Security Advisor was trading stock based on inside information available to him as a result of his position, and that he was influencing the awarding of Defense contracts to companies in which he held stock.
The National Security Advisor vehemently and categorically denied the charges and claimed he was innocent of any wrongdoing. But the damage was done. Left-wing Democrats in Congress smelled blood and continued to hound him, the press picked up the sensational rumors, and, although in America a man is innocent until proven guilty, public opinion swung against the man, with 74% polled finding him “unfit” for office.
The whole mess threatened to blow up and drag the administration down with it. When the SEC began its own investigation, the beleaguered National Security Advisor, in an emotional press conference, once more swore his innocence, and then took the only course open to a man of honor: he offered his resignation to protect the Presidency.
It was at this time that Mrak had been summoned to Washington. The President was greatly impressed with the Professor, with his wit and flair, with the steel trap precision of his mind. The President sensed that Mrak was a team player. Mrak’s ideas of peace through the application of force and of America’s historic destiny in Latin America were in complete harmony with the President’s own political philosophy.
The President, on advice from his Chief-of-Staff and over the objections of his Secretary of State, who envied Mrak’s growing influence, brought Mrak into consultation regarding certain classified and highly sensitive intelligence documents. These reports, supplied by the CIA, described a covert counter-insurgency operation in Central America, vital to U.S. national security.
This covert action was implemented to destabilize an illegal Communist revolutionary government, propped up by Castro and the Russians, whose only raison d’être was to export revolution, perhaps light a conflagration, and knock down the dominoes, right to our very doorstep. Professor Mrak, in light of this classified intelligence, made certain recommendations to the President.
Copyright © 2009 by Bill Bowler
